It’s All Bad: When Horners Practice Horn Diplomacy

Ethiopia wrote a letter to the UN, TPLF replied to the UN with a cc to everybody else, and Eritrea…posted an X post.  

It all started on October 2, 2025 when Ethiopia’s Foreign Minister sent a letter to the UN Secretary General. It was a steaming pile of hypocritical horseshit so dense it would sink a battleship (if only Ethiopia had maritime access.) For two years, Ethiopia’s ruling Prosperity Party (PP) has been chanting its mantra like a broken record: “Sovereign access to the sea, by hook or by crook—legal if we’re feeling fancy, military if we’re feeling frisky.” It’s not just a policy; it’s a full-blown propaganda circus, complete with irredentist fever dreams and enough saber-rattling to make an Ayatollah blush. Billboards, speeches, maybe even a catchy jingle or two—Ethiopia’s been whipping its people into a frenzy over a coastline they don’t own, while eyeballing Eritrea’s shores like a kid staring at someone else’s candy. And then, this letter. Oh, this letter. It’s not just a diplomatic dispatch; it’s a performance art piece, a deceitful charade so brazen it’s practically winking at the audience. It’s as if Ethiopia’s Foreign Minister looked at the Ethiopian people, the international community, and the concept of truth itself, and said, “Hold my coffee, I’m about to insult everyone’s intelligence.” 

The letter was first published by the website of Ethiopia’s Director General of National Intelligence which, to be less obvious, doesn’t call itself RedwanHusseinDotcom but HornReviewDotCom.  After turning the Horn of Africa into a blood-soaked hellscape with their 2020-22 war, the Department of Sanctimony within Ethiopia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, is shocked and horrified that Eritrea and TPLF, Tigray’s ruling party, have partnered into some boogeyman called Tsimdo, some sort of partnership of utility, which is what word means in Tigrinya: a yoke, to pair ox.  Ethiopia managed to pat itself in the back for the “maximum restraint” it has shown in not invading Eritrea when Eritrea is doing everything possible, including strutting with its 2, 200 shoreline, to ask for it.  Having complimented itself for three straight years for not eliminating TPLF when they had a chance to do so ( ለመጀመርያ ግዜ በ ኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ), they are cursing it for participating with Eritrea on the “proxy wars” (aka Fano kicked our asses.)

If Tigray lost the 2020-22 war, nobody has told the TPLF which came out swinging with a three-page rebuttal which they managed to send a copy to AU, EU, UK, Nigeria, Kenya, South Africa and a bunch of UN organizations. Everyone except their old comrade, Ethiopia’s Advisor for East African Affairs, got a copy.  TPLF expressed great outrage that it was accused of doing all the things it has a history of doing.  Their letter reads like a formal cry from a political ghost trapped between war and bureaucracy. Drenched in diplomatic niceties but pulsing with barely disguised fury, it paints Ethiopia’s federal government as a gaslighter-in-chief—accusing it of shredding the Pretoria Agreement while weaponizing narrative to swap victim and villain. The prose is meticulous, even pious, as if each “Your Excellency” were meant to disinfect the underlying rage. But beneath the ceremonial starch, the message is clear: Addis Ababa has broken faith, the peace deal is collapsing, and Tigray’s patience is running on fumes. It’s less a letter than an indictment disguised as a prayer—one that pleads for international attention before the region’s fragile calm gives way once again to the sound of guns and silence. But it was all anti-climactic because anyone who was tempted to reply to them was given a tplf2002@gmail.com email address.  The email address of a 50-year old organization is @gmail.com.

The Third Leg of this Three-Legged Triskra, Eritrea, is the opposite of TPLF: it under-communicates.  Its Minister of Information often writes with the tone of somebody who considers information a nuisance.  All his postings might as well just be “Again?!?!” as he dismisses everything as not meriting a response.  And when he does respond, it is often by quoting something his boss, Isaias Afwerki, said in Tigrinya many months or years ago. Why? Because he is not authorized to say anything and the least risky thing to do avoid a sudden visit to one of Eritrea’s prisons is by playing it safe and just quoting Isaias Afwerki, which accounted for 2/3 of his post.   Why should he make it easy for the world to understand Eritrea’s position? Eritrea “will not, as ever, be drawn into such alleys and platforms”? What does that even mean? It’s the kind of cryptic non-answer you’d get from a fortune teller, not a government facing a neighbor openly fantasizing about seizing its coastline. Instead of addressing Ethiopia’s provocations head-on—y’know, maybe with a plan or some concrete pushback—Eritrea opts for a haughty, “Don’t bother us, we’re too cool for this.” It’s not restraint; it’s posturing so passive-aggressive it could star in a Reddit thread about bad roommates. This whole “we’re too noble for your nonsense” routine is a cop-out dressed up as principle. Eritrea’s acting like it’s floating above the fray, but in reality, it’s just kicking the can down the road, hoping Ethiopia’s saber-rattling fizzles out. No call for dialogue, no appeal to international mediators, just a smug “we’ve seen worse.” It’s the diplomatic equivalent of folding your arms and saying, “Not my problem.” If Ethiopia’s letter was a charade, Eritrea’s response is a one-act play called How to Look Superior While Doing Nothing.


  1. Letter from Ethiopia to UN

Date: 2 October 2025
Excellency,

I have the honor to recall that in a letter dated 20 June 2025, I drew your attention to the repeated provocations of the Eritrean government and its hostile acts against Ethiopia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

We are encouraged by the response from friends and partners with whom we have shared our concerns. Many have reached out expressing their solidarity and offering their good offices to help resolve the tension that is posing a grave danger to peace and stability in the Horn of Africa. The attention accorded to the issue by the international community, which has shown a strong resolve to avoid another deadly conflict in the region, has been instrumental in delaying the offensive operations that the Eritrean government and its proxies have been planning to undertake. I take this opportunity to express our deep gratitude for your concern and solidarity.

As a follow-up to my previous letter, I would like to share with you the latest developments and our continued concern. The collusion between the Eritrean government and the TPLF has become more evident over the past few months. In an alliance that they have dubbed “Tsimdo”, the hardliner faction of the TPLF and the Eritrean government are actively preparing to wage war against Ethiopia. They are also funding, mobilizing, and directing armed groups such as Fano to expand the horizon of the conflict. Recently, the Fano launched an offensive that was intended to take over Wolldya, one of the major towns in the Amhara region. This furtive offensive was supported and instigated by the Eritrean government and TPLF. In fact, TPLF commanders and fighters actively participated in the offensive. There have also been other incidents and skirmishes in Raya as well as Welka, where TPLF forces, in direct violation of the ‘Agreement for Lasting Peace Through a Permanent Cessation of Hostilities’ signed in Pretoria in 2022, have attempted to provoke another round of conflict. The Ethiopian Defense Forces have adopted a defensive posture and tried to contain the situation. This is because of our policy of maximum restraint. However, it should be noted that the policy is not one of indefinite restraint.

The Eritrean government is the main architect of these nefarious activities. It underwrites these conflicts through its direct financial, material, and political support. Its ultimate objective is to destabilize and fragment Ethiopia in collaboration with its proxies. The Eritrean government tries to justify its sinister machinations against Ethiopia by claiming that it feels threatened by Ethiopia’s quest to gain access to the sea. Eritrea presents its hostile acts against Ethiopia as preemptive defensive measures. It should be noted that all of these claims are pretexts that are invoked to justify Eritrea’s decades-old and relentless effort to destabilize Ethiopia. This pattern of behavior on the part of the Eritrean government was evident even at times when Ethiopian governments have not expressed any maritime related aspiration.

I take this opportunity to reassure you that despite Eritrea’s provocations, Ethiopia is committed to realizing its aspirations pertaining to the sea through peaceful means. Ethiopia believes that the best way to attain a secure and durable access to the sea is through institutionalized economic integration mechanisms that could be beneficial both for Eritrea and Ethiopia. Our vision is for shared prosperity through modalities of integration that preserve the territorial integrity and sovereignty of both states while pursuing an ambitious economic integration agenda that would foster peace, stability, and prosperity for generations to come. Ethiopia has a forward-looking leadership intent on realizing the full development potential of our region.

In this spirit, Ethiopia has repeatedly expressed its willingness to engage in good faith negotiations with the government of Eritrea. Once again, we urge the international community to prevail upon the Government of Eritrea to cease its direct and indirect acts of hostility against Ethiopia. The Eritrean government must respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ethiopia and refrain from interfering in Ethiopia’s internal affairs. We also call upon the international community to continue its efforts to facilitate and usher in an era of constructive engagement and cooperation between Ethiopia and Eritrea, not only in relation to maritime affairs but also in other areas of common concern.

Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration.

Gedion Timothewos Hessesbon Minister of Foreign Affairs

H.E. António Guterres Secretary-General of the United Nations, New York


2. Letter from Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) Head Office

Date: 8 October 2025 No: 8993/tplf/1062

To: His Excellency Mr. António Guterres Secretary-General of the United Nations, New York

Subject: Clarification on the Allegations by the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia and Appeal for Renewed Commitment to the Full Implementation of the Pretoria Agreement

Your Excellency,

We present our respectful compliments to Your Excellency and the esteemed institutions copied herewith. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) finds it necessary to respond to the recent letter issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, dated 2 October 2025, which unfortunately contains a series of inaccurate and politically motivated allegations against the TPLF and the people of Tigray. Rather than advancing the peace process, such misrepresentations divert attention from the Federal Government’s continued and serious violations of the Permanent Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA), signed in Pretoria in November 2022. We therefore wish to set the record straight and to draw Your Excellency’s attention to the deteriorating situation that threatens the credibility and future of the peace process.

Your Excellency,

The CoHA was signed in good faith as a framework to end one of the most devastating genocidal war in modern African history and to lay the foundation for reconciliation, recovery, and political normalization. The TPLF has honored its commitments under the Agreement, as verified by AU and international observers. While we welcomed the initial steps taken to restore basic services such as telecommunications, electricity, and banking, critical provisions—particularly those relating to the protection of civilians, the withdrawal of non-Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) units, the safe return of internally displaced persons (IDPs), and accountability for atrocities—remain largely unfulfilled.

Hundreds of thousands of displaced families continue to live in dire conditions, deprived of shelter, food, and health services. Large parts of Tigray remain under the occupation of non-ENDF forces, in contravention of both the CoHA and Ethiopia’s Constitution. Meanwhile, settlers—often supported by ENDF units—occupy private and communal lands belonging to Tigrayan civilians. These realities reflect a deliberate attempt to alter Tigray’s demographic and geographic status, further deepening grievances and mistrust. In addition, several Federal ministries, have publicly promoted narratives claiming Western Tigray as part of the Amhara Region. This stands in blatant violation of Article 1 of the CoHA, which obliges all parties to respect the constitutional framework of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, and Article 4(2), which mandates the withdrawal of all non-ENDF forces from Tigray. These breaches have severely eroded the credibility of the peace process, weakened federal stability, and cast doubt on the government’s commitment to the agreements it has signed before the African Union and the international community.

Moreover, although the TPLF is formally recognized as the signatory to the CoHA, the National Election Board of Ethiopia has taken actions inconsistent with the CoHA. The Board’s continued refusal to reinstate the TPLF’s legal personality has undermined the implementation process and the inclusivity envisioned by the Agreement. This denial appears to be politically motivated, designed to marginalize one of the principal signatories and thereby weaken the peace framework itself.

We are equally concerned about the growing militarization in and around Tigray. The Federal Government’s continued training and arming of new militias—including the so-called Tekeze Guards and certain disgruntled Tigrayan youth in Afar and other neighboring areas—aimed at destabilizing Tigray, constitutes a clear violation of both the letter and the spirit of the CoHA. Such actions risk reigniting conflict and undermining the fragile peace that the Pretoria Agreement was designed to consolidate.

Your Excellency,

It is deeply regrettable that, instead of focusing on the genuine implementation of the Pretoria Agreement, the Federal Government appears intent on diverting the attention of the international community through fabricated stories and smear campaigns against the TPLF. The accusation that the TPLF is preparing for war in concert with Eritrea and other armed groups against the Federal Government is entirely unfounded. Equally, the emerging people-to-people interactions between communities in Tigray and Eritrea should have been recognized as a positive and constructive step toward peace building and regional reconciliation, rather than misrepresented as a conspiracy for renewed conflict.

We are, however, deeply concerned that the Federal Government appears to be building a case for yet another war in the region on the basis of such unfounded allegations. This not only undermines the spirit and letter of the Pretoria Agreement but also risks reigniting instability at a time when the region is striving to consolidate peace.

Despite these challenges, Tigray has on many occasions expressed its firm conviction that the only sustainable way out of the current impasse between the two signatories of the Pretoria Agreement is through genuine political dialogue—as enunciated in the Agreement itself. The TPLF and the people of Tigray remain fully committed to such a dialogue, recognizing that peace cannot be sustained through coercion or exclusion, but only through mutual trust, justice, and political understanding.

We have repeatedly called upon the African Union, as well as other key international partners, to convene an urgent review meeting to address the suspended implementation of the CoHA. We therefore appeal to Your Excellency to actively support efforts to convene such a political dialogue, aimed at restoring confidence between the parties and ensuring the comprehensive implementation of the Pretoria Agreement. We also urge the strengthening of the Joint Monitoring, Verification, and Compliance Mechanism (JMVC), with the necessary independence and access to verify compliance; the withdrawal of all non-ENDF forces from Tigray; the facilitation of the safe and dignified return of IDPs; and the pursuit of accountability for grave violations of human rights and humanitarian law.

Your Excellency,

The letter issued by the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs represents a dangerous inversion of reality—an attempt to portray the aggressor as the victim and the victims as the aggressor. It is our sincere hope that the international community will not allow this crucial peace process to falter. The people and leadership of Tigray have demonstrated extraordinary patience and commitment to peace under extremely difficult conditions. What is now required is renewed international engagement to rebuild the eroded trust between the parties and to revive the spirit of cooperation and reconciliation that inspired the Pretoria Agreement.

Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of our highest consideration.

Cc: Debretsion G/Michael, Ph.D/ Chairman of Tigray People’s Liberation Front

  • H.E. Mahmoud Ali Youssouf – Chairperson, African Union Commission
  • H.E. Kaja Kallas – High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, European Union
  • The Hon. Marco Rubio – Secretary of State, United States of America
  • The Rt. Hon. Yvette Cooper MP – Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs, United Kingdom
  • The Hon. Volker Türk – United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
  • Ms. Joyce Msuya – Assistant Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator, OCHA
  • H.E. Olusegun Obasanjo, AU High Representative of Horn of Africa and former President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria
  • H.E. Uhuru Kenyatta, former President of the Republic of Kenya and member of the High-level panel
  • H.E. Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, former Deputy President of the Republic of South Africa and member of the High-level panel

Tel: 0344 41 10 30 P.O. Box 53 Fax: 03 42 41 54 59 E-mail: tplf2002@gmail.com


3. Eritrea Minister of Information “X” Post:
9 October 2025

2nd Letter of Ethiopia’s Foreign Minister, (2 October last week), to the UNSG is astounding in its audacity and constitutes an act of duplicity in its extreme!

As the local proverb goes: “ጭጉራፍ’ሲ ሃሪማ ተእዊ!” , which roughly translates into: “A sling emits a shrill cry as it hits its target”.

Day-in and day-out for the last two years, the PP’s policy mantra has revolved on acquiring “sovereign access to the sea through legal means if possible, and military force if necessary”. The intense propaganda campaign aimed at whipping up irredentist ambitions has been accompanied by reckless and provocative saber-rattling.

In the circumstances, the latest letter is a deceitful charade; an insult to the intelligence of the Ethiopian people and the international community at large.

For its part, Eritrea has explicitly stated from the outset, that “it will not, as ever, be drawn into such alleys and platforms” urging all concerned “not to be provoked by these events”; MOI Press Release, 16 October 2023.

In this vein, President Isaias Afwerki further underlined, in his interview with the local press in July last year: “We have no appetite for war… We have no territorial claims or ambitions against our neighbours. But as history attests, we know how to defend our country when and if attacked. The PP is bragging about Drones and long-range missiles, tanks, etc. it has purchased, and the massive wave of attacks that it will unleash against Eritrea. This is mind-boggling and can only be entertained by those who do not know history. Our response is: do not plunge the people of Ethiopia into a futile war: focus on solving your real problems…ዓዲ ወዓሉ! (Stay put)”.


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